“mind and body that are unmistakably Indian” – Historian Oscar W. Blacknall on the “free negroes” of Granville County

Given the frequency of racial mislabeling of Granville County’s Native Americans, how exactly can we be sure we’re correctly identifying “Indian” people? This is a fair and common question. Identifying Native Americans in the colonial and historical records throughout the Southeast is very challenging because Native Americans were seldomly identified individually by name and all free non-whites fell under the politically created term “free colored”. In addition, any real or perceived African racial “admixture” usually meant Native Americans with any African ancestry, were often not enumerated in official government documents as “Indian”. In spite of these challenges, there are still ways to correctly identify Native American communities.

This is why the writing of local Granville County historian Oscar W. Blacknall (1852-1918) is crucial in understanding the identify and social life of Granville County’s Native American community. As a white man, he provides an outsider perspective of the community but because of his family’s deep colonial roots in the area, he was intimately familiar with the community’s families. And one very important and consistent description in Blacknall’s writing about the “free colored” community is that although he includes the term “free negro” to describe the people, he is absolutely certain of their “Indian” racial identity.


Background Information on Oscar W. Blacknall aka David Dodge

Members of Oscar W Blacknall's family: 1. Son Oscar Blacknall Jr. 2. Son Charles "Harry" Blacknall 3. Son Harcourt Blacknall 4. Brother Charles Lee Blacknall Ellis Home Place on  Overton St. Kittrell, NC Circa 1895 Oscar Blacknall later purchased this property in 1908. Source: G. Faye Ascue
Members of Oscar W Blacknall’s family:
1. Son Oscar Blacknall Jr.
2. Son Charles “Harry” Blacknall
3. Son Harcourt Blacknall
4. Brother Charles Lee Blacknall
Ellis Home Place on Overton St. Kittrell, NC. Circa 1895
Oscar Blacknall later purchased this property in 1908.
Source: G. Faye Ascue

Before we explore his writings, here is some background info on Oscar W. Blacknall (1852-1918). He was the son of fallen Confederate soldier Col. Charles C. Blacknall and Virginia Baskerville Spencer. His paternal great-grandmother was Mary “Polly” Kittrell, whose Kittrell family is the namesake for the town of Kittrell where her family has pre Revolutionary War roots. Blacknall wrote in many newspapers and magazines, sometimes under the pseudonym “David Dodge”. His life ended in a murder-suicide tragedy in 1918 when he killed his wife, his daughter, and then killed himself. This was after the devastating deaths of several of his children.

Source: Oxford Public Ledger, 10 Jul 1918, Wed, Page 1
Source: Oxford Public Ledger, 10 Jul 1918, Wed, Page 1

“The Free Negroes of North Carolina” from January 1886, The Atlantic Monthly

The first Blacknall writing that we will discuss is titled, “The Free Negroes of North Carolina” in the January 1886 edition of The Atlantic Monthly. Blacknall wrote this article under his pseudonym “David Dodge”. It is a long article and I will not be reposting the entire text, but you can access the full text here. Instead I will repost important excerpts, starting with this one:

The other factor in their decadence — or perhaps more correctly, another cause of their torpor and inelasticity — is the considerable infusion of Indian blood generally diffused by exclusive intermarriage in their own class, and which has unduly asserted itself owing to their irregular mode of life for many generations. From the nature of the case, the extent of this infusion is of course hard to approximate. If the account of the free negro himself is to be received, it is large, though his anxiety to disown all negro affinity causes one to receive his statement with caution and allowance. But, tradition aside, many, if not the larger part, of the free negroes whose freedom dates back further than this century show traits of mind and body that are unmistakably Indian. In many instances, long, coarse, straight black hair and high cheek-bones are joined with complexions whose duskiness disclaims white blood and with features clearly un-African. True, these extreme types are the exception; but the majority shade up to it more or less closely. These traits are more noticeable among women, forming no exception to the usual accentuation of racial characteristics in the female. The mental qualities of unrecuperativeness and transcendent indolence of a drowsy, listless type, coupled with lurking vindictiveness, all point the same way.

This excerpt shows that Blacknall is unequivocal in his statement that the “free negroes” of the area he lived in are Native Americans. He even describes how the people strongly self-identify as “Indian”, perhaps at times over-stating their Indian identity. Blacknall believes the people to be not only Indian in their appearance but also in their personality and lifestyle. He uses the common racial tropes of “high cheekbones” and “straight hair” to describe the women as “Indian”. And Blacknall also points out what he perceives to be the community’s anti-modern, backwards, suspicious, and lazy demeanor as characteristically “Indian”. Something that he eludes to but discusses in more detail in the subsequent excerpt, is the extremely endogamous marriage patterns of the community – i.e., people almost exclusively marry their own kin.

My neighborhood contains an “Ol’ Isshy” town, a petrified remnant of the past, hardly an exaggeration of the general type, in which the above race marks are to be seen in their full development. It stands about five miles from the railroad station, and consists of some half a dozen families, scantily provided with fathers, crowded into as many little huts scattered here and there on a “slipe” of very poor, rocky ridge. Here they have vegetated for several generations since their ancestors immigrated from Virginia, early in the century. They are intensely clannish and loyal to each other, timid and suspicious of the outside world, of which they are incredibly ignorant. Many of the women have grown old without ever seeing the cars or having been in a town, although almost within sight of both. They still cherish boundless respect for the class that are to them, and to them alone, “rich folks,” coupled with an abiding dislike of the “New Isshy,” especially if he is black. A marriage, even a liaison, with one would be instantly fatal to the reputation of any female among them, though, excepting the African, the children of many, in point of variety of color at least, might serve to illustrate the five races of mankind. After their own immediate class, they associate almost wholly with the poorest whites, though not quite as equals.

We see Blacknall describe in more detail why members of the Native American community exclusively married their own kin because it was socially unacceptable for them to marry blacks or whites. He does concede that the community would sometimes intermarry with “poor whites” because both groups occupied similar social standing. Even though most members of the Native American community had varying amounts of both African and European ancestry, Blacknall shows that they still self-identified as “Indian” and were identified as “Indian” by their black and white neighbors.

The term “Old Isshy” referred to the “free-born” status of the Native American community, whereas “New Isshy” referred to the “freed slave” status of the black community. This distinction was apparently important for both communities to make which resulted in the use of this terminology. Blacknall also describes a particular cluster of families from the Native American community living a few miles from his home that I have pointed out on the map:

This is a zoomed in map of Granville County. Oscar Blacknall's family's property  is marked on the map, along the referenced Kittrell train station and the Native American community he called the
This is a zoomed in map of Granville County. Oscar Blacknall’s family’s property is marked on the map, along with the referenced Kittrell train station and the Native American community he called the “Ol Isshy” community.

As you can see, 5 miles from the Kittrell train station is the precise location of the Native American community that is mostly centered around Fishing Creek and then expands in various directions including Kittrell, Oxford, and Brassfield. Native Americans families lived in tight clusters throughout the county, but the Fishing Creek area is the oldest area with the highest concentration of Native American families. The Native American families who most commonly lived in tight clusters in the Fishing Creek/Kittrell area that Blacknall described include: Chavis, Harris, Pettiford, Anderson, Bass, Mitchell, Parker, Howell, Boon, Scott, Brandon, Evans, Guy, Richardson, Taborn, Tyler, Hedgepeth, Jones and Hawley.

George Huley Tyler (1886-1961) was the son of John Thomas Tyler and Mary Etta Guy. He was nearly a lifelong member of the Granville County's Native American community (he lived in Fishing Creek and Kittrell) and moved to Boston, MA later in life. George also descends from the Day, Kersey, Anderson, Bass, Taborn, Chavis, and Evans families. Though he was recorded as
George Huley Tyler (1886-1961) was the son of John Thomas Tyler and Mary Etta Guy. He was nearly a lifelong resident of the Granville County’s Native American community (he lived in Fishing Creek and Kittrell) and moved to Boston, MA later in life. In addition to the Tyler and Guy families, George also descends from the Day, Kersey, Anderson, Bass, Taborn, Chavis, and Evans families. Though he was recorded as “mulatto”, “black”, and “Negro” on all U.S. federal censuses, he was recorded as “Indian” on his World War 1 draft card.
Source: Robert Tyler

The “poor whites” that the Native American community intermarried with, were most often white women. Blacknall further explains here:

Indeed, of all the hundreds of free negroes that I have known from childhood, I cannot now recall a dozen black or very dark ones. Hardly a neighborhood was free from low white women who married or cohabited with free negroes. Well can I recollect the many times when, with the inconsiderate curiosity of a child, I hurriedly climbed the front gate-post to get a good look at a shriveled old white woman trudging down the lane, who, when young, I was told, had had her free-negro lover bled, and drank some of his blood, so that she might swear she had negro blood in her, and thus marry him without penalty. Since I became a man I have heard it corroborated by those who knew, and I still occasionally see the children of this tragic marriage, now grown old men.

From looking at census records and marriage records for members of the community, I as well noticed a pattern of poor white women who lived among and had children with men from the community. For example:

In this page from the 1850 census, you can see two white women named Lucy Mangum and Virginia Jackson listed among members of the  Day, Anderson, Taborn, and Richardson families of Native American community who are racially classified as
On this page from the 1850 census, you can see two white women named Lucy Mangum and Virginia Jackson listed living among members of the Day, Anderson, Taborn, and Richardson families of the Native American community who are racially classified as “M” for “mulatto”. Lucy Mangum and Virginia Jackson had children with men from the community but because of laws against interracial marriage, they could not marry their partners. Their “mixed race” children are listed as “mulatto”.
Source: Year: 1850; Census Place: Oxford, Granville, North Carolina; Roll: M432_631; Page: 106A; Image: 211

What I find also very informative about this article is that Blacknall discusses the changing attitudes that whites had towards the Native American community. Before and right after the Revolutionary War, whites looked at the community favorably. But due to increasing fears of slave revolts, whites began to distrust all “free people of color”:

The attitude of the races towards each other was widely different from what it afterwards became. But about 1830, a growing mistrust on the part of the whites manifested itself. Abolitionism, hitherto the hobby of visionaries and isolated philanthropists, had now grown to be the watchword of a militant, uncompromising party. Its subtle leaven permeated the whole country, encouraging the slave, exasperating the master.

Blacknall later references the 1831 Nat Turner slave rebellion in Virginia, which prompted the North Carolina legislature to completely disenfranchise the rights of “free people of color” in 1835. This included taking away the right to vote and the right to own firearms. As a result, attitudes towards the Native American community greatly shifted during the decades leading up the Civil War and the community suffered for it. Blacknall echoes this sentiment:

There is still a tradition among them in Granville County that they lost the franchise on account of their persistent support of the notorious Potter. Potter, though a man of parts and a natural orator, was a consummate demagogue and a violent, unscrupulous man, whose new departure in iniquity evoked special legislation. Toward the last, the free negroes falling more and more into disrepute, their support carried such a stigma with it as to be an element of weakness rather than of strength to a candidate. More than one candidate of those days, twitted by his opponent on the stump about this element of his constituency, retorted by declaring his willingness to throw out every free-negro ballot, if his assailant would do likewise. After this period, the life of the free negro grew unspeakably harder. Not so much that the laws were harsher, but because the attitude of the whites became and continued more hostile.

And Blacknall continues:

It is not to be wondered that the free negroes, unelastic and prone to unthrift, underwent still further deterioration. Cowed, perplexed, and dispirited, they huddled together on any scant, sterile bit of land that they were fortunate enough to be possessed of, erected clusters of their frail little huts, and like oppressed, hopeless classes the world over sunk into profound listlessness and sloth. The women grew unchaste, the men dishonest, until in many minds the term “free negro” became a synonym for all that was worthless and despicable.

William Jasper Tyler (1892-1958)  was the son of John Thomas Tyler and Mary Etta Guy. And he was a brother to the above pictures George Huley Tyler. William lived in the Native American community in Fishing Creek, graduated from Mary Potter High School and worked as a photographer. He moved to New York City in his later years. In addition to the Tyler and Guy families, William also descends from the Day, Kersey, Anderson, Bass, Taborn, Chavis, and Evans families. Though he was recorded as “mulatto”, “black”, and “Negro” on all U.S. federal censuses, he was recorded as “Indian” on his World War 2 draft card. Source: Carole Allen
William Jasper Tyler (1892-1958) was the son of John Thomas Tyler and Mary Etta Guy. And he was a brother to the above pictured George Huley Tyler. William lived in the Native American community in Fishing Creek, graduated from Mary Potter High School and worked as a photographer. He moved to New York City in his later years. In addition to the Tyler and Guy families, William also descends from the Day, Kersey, Anderson, Bass, Taborn, Chavis, and Evans families. Though he was recorded as “mulatto”, “black”, and “Negro” on all U.S. federal censuses, he was recorded as “Indian” on his World War 2 draft card.
Source: Robert Tyler

Oscar W. Blacknall’s Letters to the Editor in 1895

Though the 1886 Atlantic Monthly article is full of rich description, Oscar Blacknall failed to provide any specific names of people from the Native American community. In this published letter from 1895 he did provide names, but he mixed up their identities:

Source: News and Observer, 12 Oct 1895, Sat, Page 2
Source: News and Observer, 12 Oct 1895, Sat, Page 2

In this letter, Blacknall cites a man named “Chavers” who was a school teacher that taught white students. (“Chavers” is a common spelling variation of “Chavis”). He says this same man owned a huge tract of land along the Tar River and that there is still a bridge and road named after him. Though, Blacknall did not give the man’s first name, there is no doubt he is referring to John Chavis (1763-1838), a Revolutionary War soldier who famously became a Presbyterian preacher and taught white students. However John Chavis was not the owner of the large tract of land along the Tar River. That was William Chavis (1709-1778), founder of Granville County’s Native American community. And it is William Chavis, not John Chavis, who is the namesake for the road and bridge. It is not known if the two men were related. John Chavis (1763-1838) was born in Mecklenburg Co, VA and was the son of a Jacob Chavis and Elizabeth Evans. Blacknall mistakenly conflated the two men but a couple of weeks later, Blacknall corrects his mistake in another letter to the newspaper:

Source: News and Observer, 31 Oct 1895, Thu, Page 2
Source: News and Observer, 31 Oct 1895, Thu, Page 2

Immediately, Blacknall admits his mistake in conflating the two men and says that it is William Chavis (1709-1778) who was the large land owner. He refers to Chavis’ land as the “old Chavis tract” and describes it as beginning at Lynch Creek and going 16 miles upstream to Fishing Creek. His land then extended continuously a full 5 miles inland from the banks of Tar River. I have outlined William Chavis’ land tract below:

Granville County's Native American community founder William Chavis originally owned land that stretched from Lynch's Creek 16 miles upstream to Fishing Creek and went 5 miles inland from the Tar River. This is approximately 80 square miles or 51,200 acres of continuous land. This was the land base for the community. © Kianga Lucas
Granville County’s Native American community founder William Chavis (1709-1778) originally owned land that stretched from Lynch’s Creek 16 miles upstream to Fishing Creek and went 5 miles inland from the Tar River. This is approximately 80 square miles or 51,200 acres of continuous land. This is the land base for the community.
© Kianga Lucas

51,200 acres is an enormous amount of land and is far beyond the Chavis land that was described in Wes White’s write-up for the Lumbee Tribe’s federal recognition. (The Lumbee Chavis family descends from William Chavis’ son Phillip Chavis). Blacknall believes that Chavis came to own such a large, continuous tract of land directly by way of John Cateret, 2nd Earl of Granville (1690-1763). As I discussed in an earlier blog post, the entire upper half of North Carolina was owned by John Cateret and was known as “Granville District”. The Blacknall Family property was originally part of the old Chavis land tract, so that is why Oscar Blacknall was intimately familiar with the history of who owned the land before his own family. This expansive tract of land that William Chavis owned, formed the land base for Granville County’s Native American community. So when I refer to the original land base for the community, you now know exactly what I’m referring to. Also note that this land was not “communally owned”, but rather privately owned by William Chavis and later divided into smaller plots privately owned by other community members. So it was not a bounded reservation, and increasingly over time as land was sold off, many unrelated families both white and black, came to reside in this location. (Note: William Chavis and his wife Frances Gibson are my 7th great-grandparents).

In this article, Blacknall also discusses William Chavis’ son Gibson “Gibbs” Chavis (1737-1777) who he says is the namesake for Gibb’s Creek  (part of the original Chavis land tract). Gibson Chavis was the owner of a racing horse named “Black Snake” who won Gibson a lot of money. However one night, Gibson Chavis was killed by a group of men he had won money off of from his racing horse. The fact that Gibson named his horse “Black Snake” is very culturally relevant. Black snakes are common in the area and traditional indigenous belief is that the snake holds a lot of power and medicine. The black snake is even featured on the Haliwa-Saponi tribal seal:

Haliwa-Saponi Tribal Seal The black snake is featured in the center of the seal.
Haliwa-Saponi Tribal Seal
The black snake is featured in the center of the seal.

As the letter continues, Blacknall reiterates many of the points he raised in the 1886 Atlantic Monthly article. Here is an excerpt:

“Excepting Wake county, I found them far more numerous in Granville County as well as much more characteristic of the type…I found that many of the families denied that their ancestors had ever been slaves. This denial I naturally attributed to their pride or ignorance. But it turned out they were right. An investigation as far as practicable of their genealogy SHOWED THEM TO BE LARGELY OF INDIAN BLOOD……Their prejudices against the slaves were so strong that nearly all the affinity of the free negro was with the lowest class of whites. As this exclusiveness still prevails, many known as free negroes probably have not one drop of negro blood.”

In the article, he also discusses slave ownership among the “free negro” population. Blacknall found that some of the “free negroes” were themselves slave owners. This is true – for example William Chavis (1709-1778) the community’s founder, did own slaves. Though by the early 1800s, nearly all of the community members no longer owned slaves.

As the letter goes on, Blacknall again emphasized the division between the Native American community and the black freedmen community, saying that intermarriage and socialization between the two was so frowned upon that members of the Native American community likely had little to no African blood. It is difficult to discern how true this statement is because of the way all non-whites were classified using the same racial terms. So “degrees of Indian blood” for members of the community were not historically recorded. It is very much worth mentioning that it may have been true that intermarriage between members of the free-born Native American community and freedmen black was nearly non existent during Blacknall’s lifetime, but starting in the early-mid 20th century, the communities did begin to intermarry and socialize much more.


Final Comments

I’ve come to learn that much of Oscar Blacknall’s writing and research was destroyed in a house fire. This is truly unfortunate because as you can see, Blacknall’s insights offer a rare glimpse into a community that few of his contemporaries had any interest in. However, if you come across more of his writing that is relevant to the Native American community in Granville County, please leave a comment.

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The Saponi-Catawba Origins of Granville’s Hawley/Holly Family

The Native American /”free colored” Hawley/Holly family of Granville County originates in nearby Northampton County, NC and unlike the several lineages that I have discussed so far, the Hawleys cannot positively be traced back to the Tidewater area of Virginia. In this blog post, I will give an overview of the Hawley family and explain why I think their origins are tied into both the Saponi and Catawba tribes. Some genealogical information that is referenced came from Paul Heinegg’s research.

Micajah Hawley (1700-1752) is the common ancestor of the Hawley family. The first verified records for him are when he purchased 640 acres of land on Meherrin River in then Bertie County, now Northampton County in 1731. In 1738, he sold 300 acres of this land. Micajah’s wife was named Sarah but her maiden name and lineage is unknown. His location in Northampton County at that time, placed him close to the Bass and Anderson families that left Norfolk, VA and stopped in Northampton County for several years before continuing on to Granville. Micajah left a 1752 will in Northampton County which named his heirs, so we’re able to follow his descendants forward.

Though his will named all of his children as heirs, Micajah left most of his estate to his son Benjamin Hawley (1735-1805). This is likely because by the time of Micajah’s death, his other children had moved with the Basses and Andersons to Granville County and were property owners there. Only his son Benjamin stayed behind in Northampton County to inherit the majority of the estate. Benjamin’s son William Hawley (1760-after 1820) remained in Northampton and had a son named William Hawley Jr who married Lydia Newsom. Benjamin’s daughter Eady Hawley married Nathaniel Newsom (1765-1835). The Newsom family has ties to the Native American community in Northampton County called the “Portuguese Community”. By the 1840s, most but not all of the intermarried Hawley and Newsom family relocated to Ohio.

Micajah Hawley’s other three sons – Joseph, William, and Christopher Hawley moved to Granville County by 1750/51 as indicated by tax records. Christopher has no known descendants, so our discussion focuses on Joseph and William.

Joseph Hawley (1725-after 1791) first appears in the Granville tax lists in 1750. In 1754, he enlisted in Indian trader Col. William Eaton’s colonial regiment which I had previously blogged about here. Joseph was married to Martha Harris who came from the Native American/”free colored” Harris family. Her brother Edward Harris was my 6th great-grandfather. Records place Joseph Hawley’s land in the Fishing Creek district, which is part of community founder William Chavis’ original massive land tract. So we know Joseph and his family lived in the heart of the community. Though he died before filing a pension, Joseph was apparently a Revolutionary War soldier because in 1791, he gave power of attorney to a man named Thomas Bevan to collect wages that were due to him for three years of military service.

All but one of Joseph Hawley’s children remained in Granville County and continued marrying members of the Native American community. Son Jacob Hawley (1751 – after 1810) was second married to a woman named Liddy. Her maiden name did not get properly recorded in the marriage certificate, but Benton Taborn was the bondsman which suggests that Liddy was probably a member of the Native American/”free colored” Taborn family.  Son Benjamin Hawley (1765 – ?) fought in the Revolutionary War with Joseph for 9 months and Joseph also gave power of attorney to Thomas Bevan to collect Benjamin’s wages. Daughter Mary Hawley (1749-1848) married Isham Mitchell from the Native American/”free colored” Mitchell family. According to the pension application for Isham Mitchell’s Revolutionary War service, Mary Hawley-Mitchell was also known as “Molly Craven”. I have not figured out where this nickname comes from but perhaps there are some important clues there. Son Nathan Hawley (1755-after 1820) remained in Granville for most of his life. Son Jesse Hawley (1760-after 1830) had a child named Labon Taborn with a member of the Taborn family in 1784 in Granville County.  Labon  Taborn later married Ann Tyner, granddaughter of community founder William Chavis. By 1800, Jesse Hawley had moved to nearby Halifax County, NC and was married to Winnifred Carpenter which is reflected in the census and tax records. Jesse was also the father of Henry Holly (1785-after 1860) who is the progenitor of the Holly family that intermarried with the “core” Richardson family of the state recognized Haliwa-Saponi tribe in Hollister, NC. This branch of the family often switched between the “Hawley” and “Holly” spellings of the surname.

Below are pictures of direct descendants of Joseph Hawley (1725 – after 1791):

Thomas Hawley (1851-after 1910) was married to Bettie Dunstan-Bass. His parents were Nathan Hawley and Susan Day and he lived in the Walnut Grove township of Granville County. His most likely descent back to Micajah Hawley is as follow: Thomas Hawley; Nathan Hawley; ---------; Nathan Hawley; Joseph Hawley; Micajah Hawley Source: Ancestry, Username: jkhawleyjr1
Thomas Hawley (1851-after 1910) was married to Bettie Dunstan-Bass. His parents were Nathan Hawley and Susan Day and he lived in the Walnut Grove township of Granville County. His lineage back to Micajah Hawley is as follows:
Thomas Hawley; Nathan Hawley; ———; Nathan Hawley; Joseph Hawley; Micajah Hawley
Source: Ancestry, Username: jkhawleyjr1
“Babe” Andrew Hawley (1883-19231) was the son of the above pictured  Thomas Hawley and Bettie Dunstan-Bass of Walnut Grove township in Granville County.
Source: Ancestry, Username: jkhawleyjr1
According to this news article,
According to this news article, “Babe” Andrew Hawley was a suspect in the stabbing death of Reuben Cousins, another member of the community. Some details are given in the article but I could not find a follow up article to see if Babe was tried and convicted for homicide. Whatever his punishment may or may not have been, he continued to be recorded in the census on his own property in Granville County. If any of Babe’s descendants know what happened with this case, please contact me.
Source: Oxford Public Ledger, 12 May 1905, Fri, Page 1
William Wardell Richardson (1891-1973) was the son of John Ransome Richardson and Sally Holly. He lived in Halifax Co, NC and his family belongs to the Haliwa-Saponi tribe. His lineages back to Micajah Hawley is as follow: William Wardell Richardson; Sally Holly; William Holly; Catherine Holly; Henry Holly; Jesse Hawley; Joseph Hawley; Micajah Hawley Source: Ancestry, Username: arcolasfinest
William Wardell Richardson (1891-1973) was the son of John Ransome Richardson and Sally Holly. He lived in Halifax Co, NC and his family belongs to the Haliwa-Saponi tribe. His lineage back to Micajah Hawley is as follows: William Wardell Richardson; Sally Holly; William Holly; Catherine Holly; Henry Holly; Jesse Hawley; Joseph Hawley; Micajah Hawley
Source: Ancestry, Username: arcolasfinest
Unidfentifed, Roger Richardson, and Drue Bell Richardson (1896-1995). Drue Bell Richardson was a brother to above pictured William Wardell Richardson. He's pictured in Hollister, Halifax Co with his cousin Roger Richardson and two of their grandchildren. Source: Tony Copeland
Arthur Richardson (1906-1997), Roger Richardson, and Drue Bell Richardson (1896-1995). Arthur Richardson and Drue Bell Richardson were brothers to above pictured William Wardell Richardson. They’re pictured in Hollister, NC with their cousin Roger Richardson and two of their grandchildren. Their family as well belongs to the Haliwa-Saponi tribe. 
Source: Tony Copeland

When we look into the records for Joseph Hawley’s brother William Hawley, more clues of their tribal origins emerge.

William Hawley (1728- after 1772) first appears in the Granville County records in 1751. However it appears through tax and land records that he was moving back and forth between Granville and South Carolina. He was married to Amy Scott, daughter of John Scott (1700- ?) of the Native American/”free colored” Scott family. Amy Scott’s brother William Scott was married to a daughter of “King Hagler” (1710-1763), chief of the Catawba Nation (Per communication with descendants of the Scott family; look here and also take a look at Steven Pony Hill’s research on the Scott family here). The Scott family as well is documented moving back and forth between North Carolina and South Carolina during this time. And though not in very high numbers, the Scott family also resided in and were a part of Granville’s Native American community. In 1754, a group of men kidnapped Amy (Scott) Hawley and her children from their home in South Carolina to be sold into slavery in North Carolina. Though the Scott and Hawleys were free-born, this did not prevent some colonists from attempting to enslave them (see my blog entry on the illegally enslaved descendants of Jane Gibson the elder, an Indian woman).

At least one of these kidnapped children named “Busby alias John Scott”, appears to have been born to Amy (Scott) Hawley before she married William Hawley. Amy’s father John Scott directly descends from an Indian man named Thomas Busby who was documented as a servant to Robert Caufield in Surry Co, VA in 1684. This Indian servant Thomas Busby is thought to be named after a colonist also named “Thomas Busby” who was an Indian interpreter that lived in Surry Co, VA.  It was common place for Native Americans to adopt the names of Indian traders and other “friendly colonists”. The last confirmed record of William Hawley is in 1772 for 225 acres of land he owned in now extinct Craven County, SC. In the early 1800s, several “free colored” Hawley/Holly families appear in the census records for South Carolina and these likely are descendants of William Hawley and Amy Scott.

So what is the significance of the movement between North Carolina and South Carolina during the mid 1700s? Well there are several colonial records that I believe help explain why the Hawley family (as well as the Scott and Harris families) were moving between these locations. In 1718, Fort Christanna located in Brunswick County, VA was closed. Fort Christanna was the project of Governor Alexander Spotwood’s to place “friendly” Saponi and allied Indians on what was then the frontier of the British colony, to serve as a buttress against “hostile” Indians and the colonists. After the fort was closed, the Saponi fractured into smaller bands or groups with some staying within close distance of the fort, and others moving into North Carolina. In 1743, Governor Clarence Gooch reported that:

Saponies and other petty nations associated with them . . . are retired out of Virginia to the Cattawbas

Source: 1743 British Records on Microfilm, #2.5 132 N. Colonial Office 5/1326:10B-19B, August 22, 1743. N.C. Division of Archives and History, Raleigh.

However in 1748, the Saponi decided to return to their homelands on the Virginia/North Carolina border area. This brief stay in the 1740s, is similar to another brief stay the Saponi had with the Catawba in 1729-1732, as noted by William Byrd and John Mitchell. We know this group of Saponi returned to Virginia/North Carolina by 1733 when Lt. Governor William Gooch granted them permission to come back. These brief moves onto the Catawba reservation were likely a result of conflicts the Saponi had with settlers and with other tribes.

During the mid 1700s, the Cheraw, another tribe closely related to the Saponi and Catawba, also sought refuge with the Catawba. So the Saponi who lived among the Catawba, most likely not only intermarried with the Catawba but also the Cheraw.

So knowing that the Saponi had at least two brief stays with the Catawba, let’s revisit the Hawley family again. Very little is known about Micajah Hawley’s origins prior to his land purchase in Bertie (modern Northampton) in 1731. I suspect he moved down to Bertie/Northampton sometime after Fort Christanna closed in 1718. It is also possible that Micajah was part of the group of Saponi that moved in with the Catawba in the early 1730s. The “Portuguese Community” in Northampton County largely descend from Saponi who left Fort Christanna (per communication with descendants of the “Portuguese Community”). Though later called “Portuguese” by neighboring whites, the people are not ethnically Portuguese and the label was one of the many misnomers attached to Native Americans peoples in the Southeast. Knowing that Micajah Hawley’s family who remained in Northampton County intermarried with the “Portuguese Community’s” Newsom family, suggests that he had a connection to this community.

However Micajah’s other children were likely part of the Saponi movement to and from the Catawba reservation. This seems to be especially true for son William Hawley who is recorded in South Carolina and became an extended family member of King Hagler of the Catawba. Note that the Great Indian Trading Path runs through Granville County down to Catawba territory. Indian trader Col. William Eaton lived in Granville and is noted for having Saponi living next to his land and enlisting in his regiment. The Hawley family lived in the heart of Granville’s Native American community and Joseph Hawley enlisted in Eaton’s regiment. Knowing that the Saponi lived among the Catawba for protection from colonists and other tribes, it certainly makes sense that they would return to Granville County when Eaton moved there. Living next to Eaton’s lands and having him and other friendly whites as allies, provided the Hawleys and other Native American families the protection they previously had while living among the Catawba.

The Norfolk, VA origins of the Anderson Family of Granville County

In this blog post I will chronicle the Native American/”free colored” Anderson family from their origins in Norfolk, VA to their relocation in Granville County. The origins of the Anderson family are interconnected to the Nansemond Indian Bass family. If you have not already, please read my blog entry on the Basses to familiarize yourself with that history.

Unlike the vast majority of the family lineages of Native Americans in Granville County who were born free and always free, the Andersons were once enslaved. So before I delve into the Anderson family, I’ll need to first discuss their former slave owner – John Fulcher. Much of the source material for this blog entry comes from the excellent research provided by Fulcher descendant Ellen Fulcher Cloud on her website that can be found here. I also drew from Paul Heinegg’s research on the Andersons.

John Fulcher (1666-1712) was born to English colonist Captain Thomas Fulcher and Mary Sibsey (daughter of Captain John Sibsey) of Norfolk County, VA. By the 1660s, Thomas Fulcher owned land in Lower Norfolk County called “Manor Plantation” that he inherited from his father-in-law John Sibsey. Both the Fulcher and Sibsey families were prosperous and held high status. Captain John Sibsey was a member of the House of Burgesses and Captain Thomas Fulcher was a Sheriff. Upon Thomas’ death, his son John Fulcher inherited “Manor Plantation”. John was married to Ruth Woodhouse and had one son with her but by 1691, the couple was divorced. This can be seen in a 1691 court order in which John Fulcher was held to financially assist his ex-wife Ruth and their son. So when John Fulcher passed away in 1712, it was probably no surprise that he did not leave any of his property to his ex wife and son. However what he did in addition to not leaving his family any property, was unconventional for the time.

In his 1712 will, John Fulcher requested that all of his slaves be freed and he gave them property to live on, specifically 640 acres on Sewall’s Point in Norfolk County. Imagine what a stir this must have caused. Not only did Fulcher not leave anything to his own family, but he freed his slaves and instead gave them property. Most of Fulcher’s property including “Manor Plantation” went to his “godson” Lewis Conner who also served as executor of the estate.

Map of the Elizabeth River in what was then Lower Norfolk County, VA. Shown are approximate locations of Captain John Sibsey's land holdings including "Manor Plantation" which his grandson John Fulcher inherited. Also shown is the land that John Fulcher granted to the freed Anderson family. Edward Bass' land purchase from John Fulcher is also shown. Source: Sir Robert Barrie Papers, Rubenstein Library, Duke University
Map of the Elizabeth River in what was then Lower Norfolk County, VA. Shown are approximate locations of Captain John Sibsey’s land holdings including “Manor Plantation” which his grandson John Fulcher inherited. Also shown is the land that John Fulcher granted to the freed Anderson family. Several members of the Anderson family continued living in the area in the proceeding decades after John Fulcher’s death. Edward Bass’ land purchase from John Fulcher is also shown.
Source: Sir Robert Barrie Papers, Rubenstein Library, Duke University

The freeing of John Fulcher’s slaves caused so much of a stir that the General Assembly the following year recommended outlawing the manumission of slaves because they feared that freed slaves would help organize slave revolts – something the colonists were especially paranoid about. The names of the slaves freed in Fulcher’s will were:  “Robert Richards, Maria Richards, Kate Anderson, Hester Anderson, Betty Anderson, Lewis Anderson, Sarah Anderson and children Peter Anderson, George Anderson, Dinah Anderson, Nedd Anderson, Rachell Anderson, Mingo Anderson, Tony Anderson, and Susan Anderson.”

As you can see the surname of the freed slaves was Anderson with two freed slaves having the Richards surname. They did not take the surname of their most immediate former slave owner John Fulcher, and not all the slaves had the same last name. I do not know how Fulcher’s freed slaves acquired these surnames.

Though the colonial government could not prevent the manumission of Fulcher’s slaves, estate executor Lewis Conner did just about everything in his power to remove the Anderson family to North Carolina. The Sewall’s Point land that the Andersons were granted was in the heart of the British colony and was likely highly desired by many individuals including Lewis Conner. In 1715, Conner swapped the Anderson family’s land in Norfolk County for 646 acres of land on Welsh’s Creek in Chowan County, NC (modern Martin and Washington Counties). The Andersons refused to take possession of this land in North Carolina and continued living in Norfolk County. One apparent freed slave of Fulcher’s named James (no last name given) sold his share of the Sewall’s Point land to Lewis Conner in 1715. None of the freed slaves named in Fulcher’s will had the first name James so I’m unsure exactly who this person was but he was certainly formerly  enslaved by Fulcher.

Over the next several years, there were a number of lawsuits between Lewis Conner and the Anderson family regarding the land and Conner’s role as executor of the estate, but the Anderson family still continued living in Norfolk County. This is evident in a 1718 land deed which describes a path leading to Sowell’s (Sewall’s) Point where “free negroes” resided. And throughout the 1730s and into the 1750s, numerous members of the freed Anderson family and their descendants were counted in tax lists in Tanner’s Creek (located next to Sewall’s Point) in Norfolk County. For these Andersons that remained in Virginia, I have not traced their descendants to the present so I cannot say for certain what happened to them but they may still live in the area. However a couple of Andersons did move to North Carolina and these are the Andersons who intermarried with the Nansemond Indian Basses and became part of Granville County’s Native American community.

Back when John Fulcher was still living in 1699, he sold 15 acres of his land on the Western Branch of the Elizabeth River to Edward Bass. By 1720, Edward Bass and his brother John bass had moved to Chowan County, NC (modern Gates County) and many of their descendants married members of the Anderson family. Below is a summary of the Andersons who moved to North Carolina:

1. Lewis Anderson, born 1690. Freed in 1712, he was married to Katherine Bass, daughter of Fulcher’s neighbor Edward Bass.  He was taxed in Tanner’s Creek, Norfolk County in 1730 and 1731. Lewis and his wife inherited land in Northampton County, NC in 1748 from his father-in-law Edward Bass which the couple later sold in 1757. It is not known if Lewis Anderson ever made it to Granville County or if he had any descendants.

2. George Anderson, born 1696. Freed in 1712 and by the 1730s, George owned land in Bertie County (modern Northampton County). By 1746, George sold his Northampton County land and was living in Granville County. George’s wife Mary’s maiden name is unknown, but George’s mistress with whom he fathered  a child with was Lovey Bass, niece of Edward Bass (daughter of John Bass). I think it is very probable that George’s wife Mary was a Bass. George purchased land from Edward Bass’ brother John Bass in 1738 in Bertie County (modern Northampton County). John Bass did have a daughter named Mary and it is unknown what happened to her but she was alive to be named in her father’s will in 1732. George enlisted in Col. William Eaton’s regiment which I blogged about previously here. Also George’s daughter Ruth Anderson was a servant in Eaton’s household in 1755 when her child was bound to him

3. Lewis Anderson, born 1713. He was born after the Anderson slaves were freed, so he was never enslaved. Lewis is thought to be the son of Elizabeth Anderson who was freed in Fulcher’s will. However this is not definite and more verification is needed. Lewis is the direct ancestor of the vast majority of the Native American/”free colored” Andersons of Granville County because his descendants continued marrying into the Bass, Evans, Taborn, Pettiford, Tyler, Mitchell, Howell and Chavis families. Lewis was married to Sarah Bass, daughter of Edward Bass’ brother John Bass. He owned land in Bertie County (modern Northampton County) in the 1730s that his wife inherited from her father. Lewis was in Granville County by 1746 and enlisted in Col. William Eaton’s regiment which I blogged about here.

As you can see, the three Anderson men who moved to North Carolina had Bass spouses/partners including the two who are confirmed to have moved to Granville. And when you take into consideration the early North Carolina land purchases of brothers John Bass and Edward Bass, it appears those Anderson men married into the Bass family and thus followed them into North Carolina.

But who exactly were the freed Andersons? And if they have a Native American tribal origin, what is it? The original Andersons who were enslaved were almost certainly of African heritage but I think it is very likely they were mixed Native American. Their very close relationship with the Nansemond Bass family and their association with Indian trader Col. William Eaton are strong indicators that they also had a Native lineage. However slavery can very much obscure the ethnic origins of those who were enslaved and until we know exactly how and where John Fulcher acquired his slaves, I can only really speculate on the Anderson’s origins. If John Fulcher did inherit his slaves, it seems likely they came from his maternal grandfather Captain John Sibsey. Sibsey’s 1652 Norfolk County will does not make any specific mention of slaves and simply mentions property. But we know John Sibsey owned slaves because Mary Sibsey’s first husband Richard Conquest complained to the courts in 1652 that he was being withheld a slave that was due to him from his father-in-law.

Whatever their exact origin may have been, the Andersons who intermarried with the Nansemond Basses, who moved to Granville County and who continued intermarrying with the Native American/”free colored” families living there, were full fledged members of the community.

The Andersons have remained one of the largest families in the community as can be seen in the Granville County census records. In 1800 there were 9 Anderson head of households and in 1840 there were 15 Anderson head of households. In the 1850 census which was the first census in which every household member was listed there were 112 Andersons. In 1900 there were 54 Andersons and in 1940 there were 66 Andersons. And of course these numbers do not reflect Anderson women who were married as well as Anderson descendants who no longer carried the Anderson surname.

Below are some pictures of Granville County Andersons:

Adeline Jane Howell (born 1858). Daughter of Alexander
Adeline Jane Howell (1858 – 1900/1910). Daughter of Alexander “Doc” Howell and Betsy Ann Anderson. Married to Dennis Hedgepeth. Resident of Fishing Creek township, Granville County and later moved to Nash County.
Source: Ancestry, Username: rthomas1973
Nancy Howell (1871-1947). Daughter of Junius Thomas Howell and Pantheyer Brandon. Granddaughter of Alexander "Doc" Howell and Betsy Ann Anderson. Married to Herbert Junius Anderson and later married to Asa Howell. Nancy was a lifelong resident of Fishing Creek, Granville County. Source: Ancestry, Username: rthomas1973
Nancy Howell (1871-1947). Daughter of Junius Thomas Howell and Pantheyer Brandon. Granddaughter of Alexander “Doc” Howell and Betsy Ann Anderson. Married to Herbert Junius Anderson and later married to Asa Howell. Nancy was a lifelong resident of Fishing Creek, Granville County.
Source: Ancestry, Username: rthomas1973
Lillian Anderson (1882-1932). Daughter of Thomas Anderson and Sarah Tyler. Married to Joseph Walter Scott. Resident of Granville and Vance Counties.  Source: Ancestry, Username: waniehol
Lillian Anderson (1882-1932). Daughter of Thomas Anderson and Sarah Tyler. Married to Joseph Walter Scott. Resident of Granville and Vance Counties.
Source: Ancestry, Username: waniehol
Sampson Anderson (1844-1906) with wife Jane Anderson (1852-1923) and son Robert F Anderson (1872-1914). Sampson was the son of Henry Anderson and Nancy Richardson. Jane was the daughter of Mark and Crecy Anderson. The family lived in Granville and Wake Counties and relocated to Washington, D.C. in their later years.  Source: Ancestry, Username: rewinder11
Sampson Anderson (1844-1906) with wife Jane Anderson (1852-1923) and son Robert F Anderson (1872-1914). Sampson was the son of Henry Anderson and Nancy Richardson. Jane was the daughter of Mark and Crecy Anderson. The family lived in Granville and Wake Counties and relocated to Washington, D.C. in their later years.
Source: Ancestry, Username: rewinder11
Charles Mangum (1871-1944). Son of Junius Mangum and Martha Anderson. Charles lived in Granville County and occasionally lived in neighboring counties of Mecklenburg Co, VA and Wake Co, NC.  Source: Ancesstry, Username: dahndelora
Charles Mangum (1871-1944). Son of Junius Mangum and Martha Anderson. Charles lived in Granville County and occasionally lived in neighboring counties of Mecklenburg Co, VA and Wake Co, NC.
Source: Ancesstry, Username: dahndelora
John Anderson (1832-1916). I have not verified John's parents but he was first married to Margaret Parker and second married to Mary Mayo. By 1863, he relocated his family from Granville County to Ohio. Source: Christopher Bradley Cooper
John Anderson (1832-1916). I have not verified John’s parents but he was first married to Margaret Parker and second married to Mary Mayo. By 1863, he relocated his family from Granville County to Ohio.
Source: Christopher Bradley Cooper
One of the most nationally known people to come out of the Native American community in Granville is retired NFL player Roger Anderson. Roger played college football at Virginia Union and professional football with the New York Giants. Roger was inducted into the Sports Hall of Fame at Mary Potter High School in Granville County. His son Keith Anderson is a member of the Red Crooked Sky American Indian Dance Troupe a well known person on the pow wow circuit.
One of the most nationally known people to come out of the Native American community in Granville is retired NFL player Roger Anderson. Born in 1942 to the Native American Granville County Anderson, Evans, Chavis, Taborn, and Bass and still living, Roger played college football at Virginia Union and professional football with the New York Giants. Roger was inducted into the Sports Hall of Fame at Mary Potter High School in Granville County. His son Keith Anderson is a member of the Red Crooked Sky American Indian Dance Troupe and is a well recognized and beloved person on the pow wow circuit.